There is no doubt in my mind whatsoever that the legislation must be extended.
We introduced the gangmasters legislation under a Labour Government, and I have to say that it was extremely difficult to try to convince Ministers that it was the right way to go. We decided to go with it as it stood in terms of the shellfish and agricultural industries, arguing that it should subsequently be extended to other sectors, and the Government said that we could extend it if it worked. In my view, it did work, and we set up the Gangmasters Licensing Authority. Prior to that, the gangmasters never paid any tax or national insurance, and neither did the exploited workers. The GLA cleaned its face: it got people to pay income tax and the workers to pay national insurance. In effect, it was a self-funding process. If that rationale were extended to take in construction and the service and hospitality sectors, I think the GLA would be a more effective
organisation. The Modern Slavery Bill could have sought to prevent exploitation of forced labour by expanding the remit of the GLA.
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Constituents complain about migrant workers moving into their towns, cities and communities and taking their jobs. Immigration was a big issue in the past and it is an even bigger issue now in terms of the exploitation of migrant workers. That is what causes the tensions in this country’s towns and cities. The GLA would make sure that people coming in to work in the fields or in construction were legitimate, trained workers with the necessary skills. More importantly, it would make sure that they paid their tax and received the benefits that flow from that.
The only proactive labour inspectorate that aims to identify and prevent exploitation and trafficking for the purposes of modern slavery is the Independent Labour Organisation, which supports the approach I have outlined. Unfortunately, since 2010 the resources and remit of the GLA have all been reduced, but there is support for Labour’s proposal in new clause 1 for the GLA to cover other areas of work.
At around the same time as the death of the cockle pickers in Morecambe bay, agricultural workers were particularly at risk; indeed, they were exploited. We took many early morning trips with the inspectorate to see for ourselves where those people were living and the kinds of conditions they were working in, some of which were absolutely atrocious.
There are further ways in which the Bill could be improved. I think that relocating the GLA to the Home Office has impacted on its primary function. In my opinion, it should be reinstated as a non-departmental public body under the Department for Work and Pensions. The GLA should have the role of enforcing payment of outstanding wages owed to exploited workers through repayment orders. Migrant workers in the UK should be protected by employment law, regardless of their immigration status.
There is no doubt whatsoever that if Members were to visit construction sites these days, they would see that some of the workers cannot even speak English or understand the health and safety regulations posted at the sites. They are, therefore, a danger not only to themselves, but to others. Construction sites are extremely dangerous places to work and, unfortunately, some unscrupulous employers are happy to exploit workers by paying them low wages, and without assessing the skills they may or may not have. Friction is caused in our communities when indigenous people see migrant workers being exploited by gangmasters and big corporate organisations making lots of money at their expense.
I have no doubt whatsoever not only that our proposal to extend the GLA’s remit to other sectors of employment is long overdue, but that it will eventually pay for itself and, therefore, not be a burden on the Government. I ask colleagues to forget the red tape challenge and to consider people’s lives.