Coroners and Justice Bill

I will be brief because I suspect that the feeling of the Committee is that we should now move quickly to a decision. The noble Lord, Lord Joffe, was right to remind us that we had a full Select Committee inquiry looking at assisted dying. In fact, there were 246 Hansard columns and two volumes of 744 pages and 116 pages respectively, 15 oral sessions, 48 groups or individuals giving evidence, with 88 giving written evidence, 2,460 questions asked and the committee receiving 14,000 letters. Under the distinguished chairmanship of the noble and learned Lord, Lord Mackay of Clashfern, that committee delivered a report to your Lordships’ House. When we voted three years ago by a majority of 48, with 100 votes to 148 votes, the House decided against permitting assisted dying. It decided against taking what the noble Lord, Lord Joffe, described as the first step. I urge the Committee again tonight to have at the heart of this debate something that the noble Lord, Lord Carlile, identified during that previous debate—public safety and protection. It seems to me that above all the other considerations that many of us will have, such as resources, spiritual questions and so on, public protection and safety are crucial. I welcomed this Bill at Second Reading—I set out then my substantive arguments against assisted dying and euthanasia and I have no intention of repeating them—because of what it does to reform the coroners service in the light of the 226 patients who were killed by Dr Harold Shipman. As my noble friend Lady Finlay said, those death certificates were signed by second doctors—the very point that we are being urged to consider today. I know that many noble Lords do not agree with me on some of the beginning-of-life issues—I would not expect them to—but we should think back to the 1967 debates. The noble Lord, Lord St John of Fawsley, is present. He spoke in another place during those debates, as did the noble Baroness, Lady Knight, who was present earlier. During those debates many warnings were given about how we could end up with doctors simply stamping certificates in order to agree things. That is precisely what happens today. Seven million abortions later, surely no one can doubt that that early decision, which was taken without due and proper consideration, has led to unimaginable consequences. Therefore, I simply urge that, before we take an enormously important decision of this kind, we give it proper thought and reflection. Indeed, the Director of Public Prosecutions, Sir Kenneth Macdonald, whom the noble and learned Lord, Lord Falconer, quoted in his introductory remarks, said precisely that—that there should be a profound debate and widespread public consultation before any change is made in the law. As regards public protection, I refer your Lordships to a report in the Guardian on 21 June, which stated that the Guardian had obtained a list drawn up by Dignitas revealing the medical conditions that had driven 114 Britons to end their lives at the centre for euthanasia in Switzerland. Professor Steve Field, chairman of the Royal College of General Practitioners, said: ""I’m horrified by this list … I’m concerned because I know that many of the conditions outlined are conditions patients live with and can live with for many years and continue to have productive and meaningful lives"." Dr John Saunders, chair of the Royal College of Physicians ethics committee, said: ""The list does suggest that Dignitas is cavalier in arranging for people to end their lives"." As recently as last week at its annual conference in Liverpool, the BMA voted against any change in the law, putting it in line with all the royal colleges, which are opposed to any change in the law. Dr Tony Calland, chairman of the ethics committee of the BMA, said: ""This list raises considerable concern … To go off and commit suicide simply on the basis of these conditions would be premature and unreasonable"." I refer your Lordships to the statement issued this morning by Professor Ian Gilmore, president of the Royal College of Physicians, and several other distinguished physicians. It states: ""The amendment as drafted provides insufficient guidance to doctors who might be asked to assess applicants for assisted suicide. It does not define terminal illness or capacity with any precision and the requirements prescribed for assessment are insufficiently rigorous to protect vulnerable patients seeking assistance with suicide"." I stress "insufficiently rigorous"—the point that the noble Lord, Lord Carlile, made earlier. As my noble friend Lord Walton of Detchant said, in 1994 the Select Committee of your Lordships’ House reported that, ""dying is not only a personal or individual affair. The death of a person affects the lives of others, often in ways and to an extent which cannot be foreseen. We believe that the issue of euthanasia is one in which the interest of the individual cannot be separated from the interest of society as a whole"." We heard from my noble friend Lady Campbell of Surbiton and the noble Baroness, Lady Masham, about the position of disabled people. I think of my childhood experience when an uncle who had returned from the Second World War in a state of deep depression took his own life. Consequences have followed within the family in all the generations since then. These are not just individual decisions; they affect many others. We would do well to think much harder before agreeing to incorporate this amendment in the Bill. I urge your Lordships to reject it.