European Union (Amendment) Bill

moved Amendment No. 25: 25: Clause 2, page 1, line 12, after ““excluding”” insert— ““(i) Article 1, paragraph 50, inserted Article 28E TEU, relating to permanent structured co-operation in defence; and (ii) ”” The noble Lord said: The purpose of Amendment No. 25 is to remove from the treaty the framework now named, "““Permanent Structured Co-operation in Defence””," rather than ““enhanced co-operation””. This is a probing amendment to generate debate. We do not believe the Government should ever have accepted this provision. Indeed, back in 2003 Peter Hain said: "““The UK has made it clear that it cannot accept the proposed ESDP reinforced co-operation provisions””." But at the negotiating table the Government caved into European pressure and gave way. These Benches entirely agree with their original stance. This is perhaps the most dangerous of the treaty provisions relating to European defence. It takes us further down the road towards the point where a single European defence is used to excuse the evasion of serious national defence capabilities. The Explanatory Notes published with this Bill state, as the twelfth of twelve points within Note 5, that the principal changes made by the treaty of Lisbon include: "““Revised procedures for ‘enhanced co-operation’, under which fewer than all the Member States may be authorised to exercise EU competences through the EU Institutions. At least 9 Member States must participate initially and other Member States may participate following the initial authorisation””." We do not object to defence co-operation between the nations of Europe. Indeed, we welcome it and we would wish to encourage it. For such co-operation between one nation and one or more others to be enhanced would be a move in the right direction, but why do nine nations have to get together? Why does their co-operation have to be organised through Brussels? Why should they be exercising EU competencies? The provision as it now stands points towards an inner core of countries capable and willing to participate fully in an integrated European defence. Other member states that choose not to join will be able thereby to opt out. They will thus be able to take a minimal role, both in self defence and in collective defence. That is how it works out and NATO’s overall defence capability will not be improved as it needs to be. That capability will be damaged as some—perhaps the smaller countries—exclude themselves from such co-operation and decide to take no further part in either European defence integration, or more worryingly, NATO. They will be able to meet minimal EU military commitments, shifting the burden of fulfilling meaningful NATO expectations on to the larger EU members such as France, Germany, and of course, the UK. Outside these three countries, EU countries spent an average of 1.7 per cent of GDP on defence in 2006. If permanent structured co-operation goes ahead there will be even less incentive for these countries to increase their military capabilities than is currently the case. NATO already suffers from a lack of military capability among its smaller members. This provision will make this worse. The treaty provides no reassurance as to how the PSC will operate. As with so much else, nothing has yet been finalised. Everything is to be decided after ratification. We have no idea of how many troops or how much money will be committed. Will the Minister tell the House what discussions have been had with other likely participants as to their plans for PSC? What other countries have stated their intention to join? We fear that the Government are committing this country to sign up to an undefined commitment that will have no benefit for NATO’s capability but which will needlessly drain our military capability, already under the most enormous pressure. When the Minister comes to reply to this amendment, the Committee—and indeed the country at large—would welcome a reasoned statement of HMG’s precise intention in this respect. I beg to move.