My Lords, I shall add a few remarks. The constitutional position of Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom is a very important issue for many people in Northern Ireland, and certainly for the unionist population. There is no doubt whatever that the protocol is undermining and has undermined Northern Ireland’s position. I believe it is a vehicle to continue to undermine the position of Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom. The protocol has brought a profound constitutional change to the very heart of the United Kingdom, because the courts have now ruled that the meaning of the Act of Union, the foundation of the union, has been changed by the protocol, courtesy of it being given direct effect in UK law through the withdrawal agreement Act, with the effect that this subjugates the meaning of Article VI of the Act of Union to the protocol.
I was asked this afternoon how many years I had been in public life in Northern Ireland. It is hard to believe, but in May next year, it will be 50 years: 37 years in the council, 25 years in the other House as a Member of Parliament, 16 years in the Northern Ireland Assembly—and so it goes on. And then in this place here. Now, over the years, I have seen and witnessed, sadly, Northern Ireland’s position being pushed on to the ledge of the union, as it were—pushed to the side. Our position in the United Kingdom has been undermined.
I have to say to your Lordships’ House that the unionist people are very suspicious of both Front Benches, and indeed other parties in this House. When it comes to defending positions, Dublin will defend the nationalist and republican position, but who will defend the unionist position? You would expect the United Kingdom Government to do that, but it is sad to say that successive Governments have not been very good at it. As my noble friend Lord Dodds mentioned a moment ago, certainly strands 2 and 3 give Dublin the right to have a say. But when it comes to strand 1—last week we had the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland
in conference with the Foreign Minister of the Irish Republic to talk about whether there should be a poll in Northern Ireland and an election for the Northern Ireland Assembly. Those are the internal affairs of Northern Ireland, yet the basis of the Belfast agreement was that Dublin has no right to a say on such matters. That once again makes people suspicious.
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I have to say that, when it comes to the cost for people desiring and maintaining their position within the United Kingdom, it has cost many people their lives in the Province. I represented the Mid Ulster constituency for 15 years. Go along the border there, to Castlederg, and you will find that the graveyard there has more headstones for security force members who were murdered. Why? Because they wanted to maintain their position within the United Kingdom and the IRA wanted to destroy them and take away their lives.
I come back another point I want to make, concerning the amendment tabled by the noble Baronesses, Lady Ritchie and Lady Suttie. Once again, I point out that they say the regulations must be passed by the Northern Ireland Assembly. A few moments ago, the noble Baroness, Lady Ritchie, said that as an Irish nationalist, she wanted a united Ireland. No one can deny that as a legitimate aspiration for her. It is certainly not my aspiration, but it is hers. However, she said that she believed it would be united by consent. The very basis of the Belfast agreement is cross-community consent. I ask the noble Baroness, Lady Ritchie, “What would you do with a million unionists or loyalists going into a united Ireland who didn’t want to be there?”