My Lords, I am grateful to the noble Lord, Lord Ribeiro, and to the Minister and his team for spending some time last week discussing the Bill with us. That was helpful but I fear that I am still very concerned about the potential impact of the Bill in its current form.
I say at the outset that I will not be arguing against the case that we should be doing everything we possibly can to avoid harming patients; nor am I arguing against the underlying purpose of the Bill, which I am convinced is meant with the best possible motives in mind. But we know that even in the best hospitals occasional mistakes will be made and someone will be harmed, and the question we have to face is whether legislating for mistakes never to be made is the best way of achieving that purpose.
During our discussions it was helpful to hear that the new regulations will apply only to institutions, such as hospital trusts and care homes, and not to individual healthcare workers—nurses, doctors and other carers. They, as we know, are regulated by other bodies and held to account by them if they cause harm. But it is not at all clear that that is the intention of the Bill as it is currently written. Indeed, it was pretty obvious at Second Reading that much of the debate focused on individual surgeons who operated on the wrong leg—regrettable and devastating though that may be—but now we are told that that is not what the Bill is about. We even heard from one noble Lord details about which hernia he was having operated on and you cannot get much more personal than that.
We now know that the Bill is about ensuring that all the precautions necessary to avoid harm are taken by institutions. It is obvious that that is where we should be aiming our efforts to try to avoid those terrible stories that we hear about of neglect and abuse, particularly of elderly people, in hospitals and care homes. These are far too common for comfort. They are largely due to institutional failings and that is where we need to aim the Bill. But the problem is that it is not clear in the wording of the Bill that it applies to institutions and not individual care workers. I fear it is not much clearer in the proposed regulations, which I have now had a chance to look at.
My anxieties are increased, rather than the reverse, when I read those regulations, where there is much reference to individual persons providing the care—for example,
“the things which a registered person must do to comply”;
there is then a long list of things they must do “to mitigate such risks”. The regulations also,
“make provision as to the persons who are fit to carry on a regulated activity”.
I have been told that “a registered person” refers to a trust manager or chief executive, not someone registered with the GMC, for example. But I fear if that is the case the room for misinterpretation is too great.
My first amendment tries to make it absolutely clear that the Secretary of State’s duty applies to institutional service providers as a whole, not individual healthcare workers. I have also included in the amendment the proposal that the responsibility of institutions is not to produce zero harm but to aim at a continuing reduction in harm over time. That at least is in the realm of the possible, which is what legislation should be about. My second amendment is designed to ensure that institutions take this responsibility very seriously by regularly monitoring the effectiveness of the systems of harm reduction that they have put in place.
There is yet another problem with the current wording of the Bill, and that is the possibility of the harm that the Bill itself could cause if it is not amended. Let us suppose that we can be convinced by the noble Earl that the Secretary of State’s duty applies to institutions, not individuals. We can then easily imagine that fearful hospital trusts, with the Secretary of State and CQC breathing down their necks and trying to ensure that absolutely no avoidable harm is ever inflicted on a patient, will place a severe burden on their doctors and nurses. They in turn will be very cautious indeed about any medical innovation they might consider offering to their patients. The whole atmosphere that we are desperate to introduce into the NHS of an innovative service keen to take up new ideas and treatments will be frustrated.
Furthermore, it is not too difficult to imagine that a culture and oppression could follow—I cannot believe that that is the intention of the noble Lord, Lord Ribeiro, or of the Minister. We need a culture of openness and willingness to admit mistakes and those errors of judgment that are bound to be made, so that lessons can be learnt. I am afraid that errors are inevitable even in the most safety-aware trusts and care homes, yet fearful employees may feel that they are better off covering up rather than admitting to their mistakes.
Noon
I am strongly of the view that it is only by proper training and education, and, even more importantly, by effective leadership at the institutional level that we can establish the safe practices that we aspire to. We know that that at least works, and it is the best way in which we can expect to see the progressive reduction in harm to patients that we all want. That is the purpose behind my Amendment 3, where I propose that it is the duty of service providers to ensure that their staff are properly trained and supervised in their efforts to reduce harm to patients.
I recognise that we have a very tight schedule for the Bill and that, if we push the amendments, there is a danger that the Bill will be lost—I understand that
there will be little time for the other place to look at any amendments. That would be a shame, not least because I am very much in favour of other provisions in the Bill, so I have a dilemma, but I think that the Bill as it stands is not really fit for purpose. I will be interested in what response the Minister can give us, and in whether he is willing to clarify and amend the regulations and guidance notes to reflect the concerns that I have raised today and in the amendments. I know that the regulations and guidance notes have only just been written and that it may pose a problem for parliamentary draftsmen to have to redraft them but, having read the detailed guidance notes, I fear that they are not only draconian but misguided in places and should at least be put out for consultation.
We are today in an even more difficult position than the draftsmen because the parliamentary timetable is beyond our control. I look forward to the Minister’s response and I beg to move.