My Lords, we come now to the issue of caste and whether it should be made an aspect of race and thus a protected characteristic under equality law.
The whole House agrees that prejudice and discrimination based on caste is wrong. It is unfair and unacceptable in a modern society and is certainly unacceptable in Britain. There is no place for it and we need to take the right action to ensure that there is no place for it. It was your Lordships’ view when we last debated this that caste should be directly and immediately included in the Equality Act as an aspect of race. The other place has taken a different view and said we should not legislate at all without further consultation. There has, as yet, never been a full public consultation on this issue.
I will be absolutely clear. The Government have listened to what your Lordships’ House has said. We acknowledge the widespread support among noble Lords for legislation and the strength of opinion that has already been expressed. Today, I will explain the additional steps the Government are taking in response to the strength of that opinion. Since we last debated this matter, significant concerns have also been expressed about the implications of legislation. These concerns have not come only from those we would expect to be against legislation. Her Majesty’s Opposition also raised
legitimate and serious questions during the debate in the other place. As I said during our earlier debates, this Government are not against legislation as a way of tackling caste discrimination. However, we do not have all the information that we believe is necessary to decide that the power in the Equality Act 2010 should be exercised. We think a responsible Government should consider all relevant issues and the implications of legislation before going down that route.
During our previous debate, my noble and learned friend Lord Mackay of Clashfern suggested that having the provision for caste in the Equality Act had given the courts reason, which they might not otherwise have had, to doubt whether the existing legislation protects people against caste discrimination. This helps to illustrate a very important point. We must ensure that whatever we do next does not create new, unintended consequences which could make it harder for people to seek redress. However, at the same time, we must of course be conscious of the need to bring what we do next to a conclusion as quickly as possible.
If we are able, shortly, to reassure ourselves on these points and decide, after consultation, to exercise the power that already exists in the Equality Act, then an advantage of this power is that we can do so via secondary legislation. In other words, I want to reassure your Lordships that there need not be a requirement for new primary legislation and therefore any unnecessary delay. I should note, however, that the amendment brought before the House today would not permit any meaningful public consultation or allow any flexibility through secondary legislation in the way that the Opposition, among others, have been arguing. Caste would simply join colour, nationality and ethnic origin as an aspect of race in the Act, and that would be that.
In a moment I will explain what additional information and steps we think are necessary before the Government will decide, and what the timescale is for that decision. First, I shall summarise some of the concerns that have been raised. First, there are concerns about whether we are actually legislating on the right ground. Some organisations have suggested that descent is more appropriate than caste, and this is an issue that the Opposition have also raised in debates in the other place. I am aware that there are differing and strong views on the question of descent, which we cannot go into today. However, the fact that there is genuine uncertainty over the definition of what we are legislating about clearly suggests that we should not be adding further to the law before carrying out the sort of consultative process proposed by both the Government and the Opposition, although I acknowledge that the Opposition have a different proposal in terms of consultation.
There are also concerns about individuals having to indicate their caste in any monitoring. The NIESR report is clear that some people would not want to do this or indeed admit to caste existing at all. We all have to consider what business would need to do to comply sensibly with such a provision and, if so, what costs this would entail. Would there need to be a code of practice, and if so, would it be reliable in such sensitive matters? To take one important stakeholder in this area, the CBI has stated that,
“on this terribly complex issue time must be taken in order to craft the right intervention, rather than rushing the process in order to comply with the timetable of the ERR Bill”.
At the moment, I believe it is not clear that we have all the information that we need on these and other questions. A significant number of Hindu and Sikh organisations, including some representing people from the perceived lower castes, have expressed concerns that they have not had a chance to provide considered views and would be strongly opposed to immediate legislation on this. For example, the GAKM UK which represents the Mochi community, which is deemed one of the lower castes, believes that by enacting the clause in law, the Government could undo all the work done by our communities over the past 20 years to try to remove the differentiation by caste in all aspects of life.
I am, of course, aware that some noble Lords may say that this is the sort of argument that could have been used to delay the advent of race or indeed of any other discrimination law. However, there is a fundamental difference with caste in that not only do we wish to get rid of caste prejudice from British society, we actually see no useful value in caste itself, or of anyone defining themselves by their caste. In that sense it is not like colour or ethnic origin, or any of the other protected characteristics. We need to ensure that the action we take, particularly if in legislation, sets us towards this aim and not in the opposite direction of embedding caste as a concept in domestic law.
As your Lordships will be aware, on 1 March this year, the Government announced a programme of educational work within the affected communities. At that time we also said that the Equality and Human Rights Commission will investigate the right way of tackling the problem of caste prejudice and discrimination, using the evidence in the NIESR report and earlier material from ACDA and other groups as its starting point. In last week’s debate in the other House, the Minister for Women and Equality announced that in parallel with this work a public consultation will be undertaken on the use of the caste power in the Equality Act. As I have already stated, a full, balanced public discussion is something that has not previously happened, and we think it is crucial that it now does so.
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I should like to give your Lordships more detail about this consultation. The Government intend to start the consultation before the Summer Recess and finish it before the end of this year. In the same timescale, as I have already mentioned, the Equality and Human Rights Commission will investigate independently the right way of tackling the problem we see in the evidence presented by NIESR and other studies. We have always accepted that the NIESR report identified a small number of cases where the evidence suggested that caste discrimination or harassment had probably occurred. I should therefore explain that the initiatives we are proposing are specifically intended to supplement the NIESR report by dealing with two key aspects which that report did not fully address. The EHRC will look, in the light of the evidence from existing studies, at what is the right way—legislative or otherwise—of tackling caste prejudice and discrimination.
We are pleased that the commission, as our country’s designated equality body and human rights institution, chaired by the noble Baroness, Lady O’Neill of Bengarve, will be playing a key role in the work on this very difficult and controversial problem in modern British society.
The consultation will seek views widely from all individuals and groups with an interest in caste and the problems it creates. It can of course raise those issues, and others that I have just mentioned as causing particular concern to Hindu and Sikh groups, with businesses and other interests which have not previously been involved in this debate. Apart from the Government’s own assessment of the consultation responses, we are certainly happy to share that material with the EHRC once the consultation closes. The EHRC can then reach its own conclusions and recommendations in full awareness of what respondents to the consultation have been telling us.
We should have the outcome of the consultation and the commission’s own conclusions and any recommendations it may have for Government by the end of the year and we will publish the Government’s response early next year. If it is clear from this assessment that legislating is necessary, the Government will then take steps to do that. No Government can give away their legislative responsibilities. However, if the report from the Equality and Human Rights Commission—a body uniquely qualified to take a view on anti-discrimination law—makes a firm recommendation to legislate, that would be a key element in forming the Government’s decision.
I am grateful to noble Lords for allowing me the time to spell out what the Government are planning in response to the very strong feelings expressed by this House in previous debates on this matter. I trust that in doing so the House will agree that we should agree with the other place on this issue. I beg to move.
Motion C1
Moved by Lord Harries of Pentregarth