Thank you for calling me, Mr Deputy Speaker: as so often in this House— and there is nothing wrong with this, by the way—I am called last, but always very pleased to make a contribution to the debate.
My colleagues who have preceded me outlined the precarious situation we are in due to the punishing budget that has been set. The Minister may well say that that is a different debate—and perhaps rightly so—but there can be no other topic. Interim arrangements within which the Secretary of State will continue to act in the absence of the Assembly can be acceptable only if the Secretary of State intends to act, instead of sitting and watching foundational aspects of the country crumble, in an attempt to strongarm Unionists into accepting an incomplete and damaging framework.
We are happy—I state this very honestly and truthfully— to work with the Prime Minister, and with the Secretary of State and Government, to find a workable solution, but there must be a massive effort to find that solution, with engagement that understands the position of Unionism. I understand that the mechanisms in place need the assent of this House to continue. However, the question that Northern Ireland MPs must ask themselves today is whether we are willing to play a part in this distraction from the harm that Government are seeking to do to Northern Ireland and their people, who dare—that is us: we dare—to demand parity of esteem within this United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Obviously, different political parties are making their plea to find a way forward, and we have different interpretations of that, but we are all trying to secure a way forward for everyone.
In preparing for today’s debate on the Bill, I met a number of playgroups in my constituency to discuss the interim arrangements. I want to flag the removal of the pathway fund for early years, due to the ridiculous funding cuts faced by the Department of Education under the budget, which is only one of the harms that I am concerned that this Bill will perpetrate. A constituent of mine emailed me in the last two weeks regarding the likelihood that the pathway fund project that her child attends will cease at the end of June 2023. This is a massive issue in my constituency. I have met a number of playgroups over the last week or 10 days, and they have all made similar requests. I quote this lady:
“The project offered by the local provider helps support the social and emotional, cognitive and physical development of my child, using a holistic approach, delivered in a safe and engaging environment. My child should not have to miss out on being able to access this service which provides them the opportunity to learn and develop because of the removal of the Pathway Fund in our local community.”
She continues:
“As parents we continue to be reminded that the early stages of a child’s life is the most important and we inevitably try our best to ensure our children have the best start in life. Opportunities to access and engage in projects that support, not only my child’s development but my own as a parent, are not readily available within this area. I am significantly worried about the negative impact the loss of the Pathway Fund will have on my child, our family and the local community.”
This debate on the interim arrangements Bill gives us the opportunity to highlight this issue. The same concern has been replicated in my constituency of Strangford by more than eight playgroups that have contacted me. Early years development, as outlined in the Prince of Wales’s groundbreaking report, is absolutely essential—there is not an MP in this House, and certainly not on the Opposition side of the Chamber, who does not recognise that. This situation will have a dire long-term effect on the children in my constituency, as well as throughout Northern Ireland.
I had three boys. They are young men now—35, 33 and 31—but when they were small, they attended the playgroup and nursery. I could see the engagement at an early stage that my boys had at that playgroup, which is similar to the one I have mentioned. It gave them social engagement and the chance to build friendships. They kept those friends from nursery and the playgroup the whole way through to primary school and secondary school, and today, in adult life, they still have those friends.
I have often said that Northern Ireland has been used as Europe’s political football to score points. When I look at my children’s education, I can see how vital it is, and yet children’s education will potentially be reduced. The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland will have received my meeting requests, which I sent to him just last week, to discuss this very issue. Following that action, let me say that the education and future of our children is not, and can never be considered—I use these words deliberately—as cannon fodder. Continuity funding is what we are requesting, and it needs to be allocated. That is my plea today on behalf of parents throughout my constituency and across Northern Ireland, including in constituencies whose MPs do not even take their seats here—we are here to advocate for them as well. This interim arrangements Bill allows for things to continue. The view of Unionists on the ground in Northern Ireland who I have spoken to is that they are to be punished by the Government here.
The hon. Member for Foyle (Colum Eastwood), who is not here—I am sure he is not too far away—referred to the Republic of Ireland as the place we should be looking towards. I will give the House a couple of wee facts about that. In the Republic of Ireland—which is where he seemed to indicate he wishes to be—anyone who wants an appointment with their GP has to pay €45 to €60 each time. If they have to go to accident and emergency, they pay €100 every time. Anyone 16 or over who has to stay overnight in the hospital pays €80, while the cost of living in the Republic of Ireland is 21% higher than in the United Kingdom. And anyone who wants a Big Mac from McDonald’s—I am not a fan; I do not buy them—will have to pay £2 more in the Republic of Ireland than they will in Northern Ireland or across the United Kingdom. Those are just examples of that paradise that the hon. Gentleman refers to—which is not a paradise at all—so let us keep things in perspective when we look at costs.
I spent last weekend, as I know my colleagues also did, at community events and meetings with constituents. The huge majority, reflecting that opinion, urged us to work for a solution: to get back to Stormont while standing firm for Unionism. That is the key, and it is disappointing that, while we are pushing for a solution that recognises the position of Unionism where it is, we are unfortunately not getting the reply from Government that we would wish for. That is the challenge for the United Kingdom Government and the Minister of State, and that what we are attempting to do. I humbly ask my Government to work with us and not against us to find the solution to the difficulties for our businesses and to legislate for our constitutional position, so that we are not at the whim of Government and whatever position they have taken that most expediently deals with the Northern Ireland issue.
It is important to put on record where we are with the Windsor framework. One of the reasons why, at this moment in time, my party has not accepted the Windsor framework is that we have sought legal opinion on whether it is worth the paper it is written on. The legal opinion from one law firm is that it is not. The Loyalist Communities Council, the Orange Order and the Unionist Forum each sought a legal opinion from three different law firms, and every response was the same. The Stormont brake is not worth the paper it is written on. The European Research Group, of which the Minister was once the leader, also sought a legal opinion, and the response it received is that the Windsor framework is not worth the paper it is written on. I have great respect for the Minister, but what a disappointment it is to find that his opinion today is so different from that which he had when a member of the ERG.
I understand the necessity for this Bill, but the Government have to take a giant step to embrace Unionism and its viewpoint. Northern Ireland Unionists are being treated abysmally.