My Lords, the issue that we are debating this evening is profoundly humanitarian. Prostitution is almost always seen as a female issue, but of course it is not; it is a scourge that affects both genders. I see it as a human rights issue that relates specifically to the abuse by people of people in the form of bullying and exploitation. Clause 14 is a measure to protect children, teenagers, young adults, and indeed older vulnerable adults, from being bullied, not in the playground or by gangs roaming the streets but into prostitution—a demeaning and extremely dangerous occupation. It is the responsibility of the state to protect the vulnerable. We have a long and praiseworthy history of doing just that, but the people who have been and continue to be bullied into prostitution have somehow dropped off the radar screen.
According to the Home Office, as many as 70 per cent of the women involved in prostitution were drawn into—bullied into—prostitution as children. I do not have comparable information for men, but it is probably no different. This is an horrendous statistic. Not only the underclass of society is involved; the children or grandchildren of Members of this House could also be involved.
Let me digress for just a minute. During the terrible teens, children often run away from home or school. This is not necessarily a reflection on the circumstances at home or at school; it is just a fact of life. These teenagers feel that the whole world is against them. They rebel against parental discipline because they see their friends doing it and they do it. Fortunately, most realise that it is a cold world out there and in most cases return to the warmth and comfort of the home. Others do not have a warm and comfortable home. The parents are fed up with them, and they are left on their own and just leave. We all know of cases and have read stories of such behaviour. The one thing that these children have in common is that they are very vulnerable. We all have experienced great vulnerability from time to time, but normally have the resources to cope with it. These children do not. In addition, migrants—not necessarily illegal migrants—are also vulnerable. In both cases we know only too well that pimps are on the prowl recruiting from the vulnerable, and then grooming begins.
When one drills down into the nature of prostitution in this country, one is faced with an appalling story. It is a story of which I have been utterly ignorant and I regard it as a major flaw in my work here in this House. This has come to me as such a horrid shock. Let me give you some facts: 85 per cent of women in prostitution say that they were physically abused as children; 70 per cent spent time in care; and 45 per cent have experienced sexual abuse. Any of those experiences are so demeaning that self-worth and self-respect vanish. They are an easy target and the pimps have rich pickings. Most of those women have experienced a lifetime of abuse. Prostitution perpetuates that abuse.
Many have observed that trafficking women into prostitution is a modern form of slavery, on which the noble Lord, Lord Morrow, dwelt. This Parliament led the world, as we already know, in the 19th century in fighting slavery, but other countries are now ahead of us in tackling the social evil of sex trafficking. We are so often told about prostitutes who regard prostitution as a business, one where some make much money, and can shut out of their minds what they are doing. But, if the research is to be believed, they are in a very small minority. According to that research, 90 per cent of prostitutes say that they want to escape prostitution, but they do not feel able to do so. The noble Lord, Lord Pannick, says that there is no evidence of exploitation. I suggest to the noble Lord that if 90 per cent of prostitutes say that they want to escape prostitution, that is evidence of exploitation. They are, or they feel, trapped.
In this country we have great campaigns about animals in captivity and the ill treatment of animals. Where is the similar campaign for helping trapped humans? Those who are involved in prostitution face a potentially dangerous situation. More than half the prostitutes involved in one study said that they had feared for their life at least once. I cannot think of any other group of people in this country who we would permit to live in such a state of terror and abuse, and without any end in sight.
Strict liability is the most hotly debated part of Clause 14. My noble and learned friend Lord Mackay of Clashfern is unable to be here, but he has particularly asked me to refer to his view that the new offence will be useless without the strict liability element. I am convinced that he is right.
Better minds than mine will battle with this, but I should like to make one point. If this clause remains in the Bill and becomes law, it will send a very strong signal that men must avoid any coercion of the vulnerable. I admit that I would much prefer an outright ban on prostitution, but I realise that it is neither possible nor probable now. However, by agreeing to Clause 14, we would take a mighty first step in declaring that we are a humane society, we believe in human rights, we wish to protect the vulnerable and we particularly wish to protect children from being blighted for life. We must declare that we are a caring and loving society, and then show that we are. I reject the amendments to Clause 14.
Policing and Crime Bill
Proceeding contribution from
Baroness O'Cathain
(Conservative)
in the House of Lords on Tuesday, 3 November 2009.
It occurred during Debate on bills on Policing and Crime Bill.
Type
Proceeding contribution
Reference
714 c240-1 
Session
2008-09
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House of Lords chamber
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