Policing and Crime Bill

I begin with an apology. I was unable to be present in your Lordships’ House for Second Reading and, thereby, to make early comment on Clause 4 and give notice of my intention to table an amendment. I know convention does not demand that I give reasons for that omission, but as a matter of courtesy and good practice, I shall do so. Only a few days ago, I returned from a course of post-stroke therapy, which has kept me from attendance in your Lordships’ House, but I hope that it will now enhance my involvement, enabling me to speak without juxtaposing words and to stand before you more steadily. I have tabled this amendment with the full knowledge and support of the Metropolitan Police Commissioner. It accords with his wishes and reflects his fears for the future accountability of the commissioner and my fears for the further politicising of policing. This amendment applies only to London, our capital city, since it already has an elected mayor and regional government. I declare an interest and past involvement as a former chief constable of a large provincial constabulary, and as a former Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis. Yes, I am the archetypal yesterday’s man or, perhaps more correctly, the day-before-yesterday’s man. None the less, this gives me some insight into the present system of selections. Having observed how the office of Metropolitan Police Commissioner has, in the last few years, been buffeted backwards and forwards in a party-political cauldron, I firmly believe it is time to take policing out of politics and to take politics—as far as possible political influence and most definitely political direction—out of policing. I repeat my emphasis that my amendment refers only to our capital city. The arrangements for appointing the commissioner and deputy commissioner should, however, remain unchanged because of their national responsibilities. Similarly, the arrangements for selecting chief officers in other parts of the country would remain as envisaged in the Bill. Since the creation of the post of Mayor of London and the amendment to the Greater London Authority Act, which enables him to chair the police authority, there is enhanced accountability for the commissioner in London, with potentially significant consequences. If that accountability almost by osmosis turns into increased direction and operational control by political appointees, we will have moved a significant step towards a system obtaining under totalitarian regimes where the reigning political power has operational control and direction of policing. Freedom to demonstrate peacefully has long been cherished in this country and authority to march or hold a protest meeting should be given only on public order grounds and without political consideration. I have a short anecdote. A number of years ago I was considered to be a leading police figure in the fight against terrorism and in the art of negotiation. I was invited to share such knowledge as I had with police services in many different countries. When I went to the capital city of a particular large but friendly state, as a matter of good practice I visited the commissioner of police before I began a series of lectures to police, military and government personnel within his country. His office was on the 18th floor of the police headquarters. I returned to the city three years later and took the lift to the 18th floor, ready to pay my courtesy call on the boss. "Sorry, sir", said the local officer who accompanied me, "the commissioner has now moved to a lower floor. These upper offices are now occupied by the police Minister and his staff". I got the message immediately, as had everyone else, no doubt. Operational decisions, direction and control were firmly in the hands of the politicians. Policing is too important to be left solely in the hands of politicians or indeed solely in the hands of the police. We must find a way to get the right balance for the benefit of the public we serve. Will we one day see a future mayor with an office on the upper floors of New Scotland Yard? I return to my main theme. If the mayor as chair of the authority can hold the commissioner and his or her top team to account, it is only right that the commissioner should have the power to appoint that top team. I understand that the outgoing Home Secretary, the mayor, the chair of the Metropolitan Police Authority and the deputy mayor for policing have acknowledged the good sense of the commissioner’s suggestion that this should be the way forward. This is about leadership. The leader of an organisation like the Metropolitan Police with a staff of more than 30,000 personnel must have a vision of how to improve policing of the metropolis for the benefit of all law-abiding residents and for those who work in, visit or pass through this great city. He or she must articulate that vision, obtain public acceptance and then, together with loyal disciples, put it into practice. If those who are to turn the vision into reality are selected by anyone other than the commissioner, they may, because of influence from elsewhere, be going down a different path. I re-emphasise that I do not advocate any change in the Bill relating to the selection of senior personnel in other than the Metropolitan Police. From my experience there is a much more transparent and—dare I say?—civilised approach, to such matters elsewhere. In my time as chief constable of Thames Valley Police, the selection board comprised the non-political chairman of the police authority and two members from each of the major political parties. As chief constable, the merits of the various candidates were discussed with me. Although the selection was rightly carried out by those members of the police authority, they would not have selected someone to whom I was opposed or have gone against my advice—an altogether civilised approach to get the best, most suitable candidate for the job. London, however, is a different kettle of fish. I reiterate that since the creation of the post of Mayor of London and the amendment to the Greater London Authority Act, which enables him to chair the Metropolitan Police Authority, there is enhanced accountability in London with potentially significant consequences, as we saw with the departure of Sir Ian Blair when the mayor withdrew his support. Let us not mince words. Sir Ian Blair was sacked. We can pussyfoot our way around with fine words about an amicable discussion, but the end of the story is that he was fired. He had to go; no alternative. The mayor had been voted in and he was not going anywhere. If the chairman of Thames Valley Police Authority, when I was chief constable, had said that he would no longer give me his support in running the force, I would have known which way he was pointing. I commend the amendment as a way of reducing the risk of party politics becoming unnecessarily involved in or influencing policing in our capital city.