European Union (Amendment) Bill

My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow the noble Lord, Lord Maclennan, who finished with some wise words that many of us have heard many times over a period of years. I note that we are half way through the list of speakers. The speeches might get a little shorter as the evening wears on, but this has been an intriguing debate in which we hear from those on all sides of the House the rights and wrongs, and consideration, of a treaty that replaces a number of treaties. As the noble Lord, Lord Maclennan, just said, it is an amending treaty, which amends many that have gone before. I feel privileged to have been able to serve on the EU Select Committee under the able chairmanship of the noble Lord, Lord Grenfell, and I support his report, which he gave us today. It was an excellent report that did not go one way or the other, as he rightly said, but sets the scene adequately so that it gives us the background for a debate. The debate that we are having today augurs well for the Committee work that we face in the next few weeks. I was also privileged to serve on Sub-Committee D under the equally able chairmanship of the noble Lord, Lord Sewel. This fascinating report dealt with the common agricultural policy, now including fisheries. Many wry smiles broadened as we spent some months dealing with a report on wine, which was a little different from what many people perhaps think. I, and anyone who sat in on those committees, could not help but be impressed at the depth of scrutiny into European affairs by the members of the committee, particularly on the impact assessment of the Lisbon treaty. Who knows, and we shall see, what will happen following our Committee stage and before we come to a final vote. Being a Member of the European Parliament for 20 years and being President for two and a half years did not make me any less British. I am as British as anyone in this Chamber, but I am nevertheless committed, as I have been over many years, to the European cause. I have witnessed the treaties which have governed the change from Rome to Lisbon. The single market is the most significant advance from which we have all benefited over time—although not as much as perhaps we might have done—when people, goods, services and capital were able to move freely through the frontiers. The Lisbon treaty, as we read it, adds a fifth freedom; that is, the free movement of knowledge. I hope that that will mean an increased sharing of research and development and taking advantage of a competitive edge in international trade through technology, which of course is becoming very tough for those involved in the manufacturing industry, in particular. Above all, we should see greater knowledge spread throughout the 27 countries on the real issues with which we are concerned in Europe. When I was a Member of the European Parliament, I used to be very proud to say that I was a Member of the youngest and the oldest Parliaments in the world. It is characteristic of what is happening. It is new and, therefore, has to be built and to be recognised. If we are members of the club, let us play our cards as members of the club and not always try to be different, as so often we are. We recognise that a judgment on the reform treaty, defining the powers of decision, has to satisfy the needs of the people. But it has to satisfy them by controlling regulations, by the better implementation of existing legislation, and by creating more liberalisation and fair competition. Anyone who manufactures anything will say that all legislation adds a burden to their business. The main question posed by this treaty is whether political, economic and social policies can be the more easily fulfilled at a European or a national level. I have been involved in such policies over some years. First, on the European Development Fund, I believe that there is one convincing instrument where a donor community can deliver on development policy much more effectively than nation states. I speak from experience. During my last five years at the European Parliament, I was President of the Joint Parliamentary Assembly of the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. I saw the genocide at first hand in Rwanda, Burundi, Zaire and the Congo. I also visited many parts of Africa where the people we met at least recognised Europe. All the camps of perhaps 80,000 people had tents with the EU sign over the top of them. They saw me—I am proud to say—as Mr Europe, because I represented the peoples of Europe in trying to help them. I hope that the treaty will see that development go much further. Secondly, on agriculture, the chairman of Sub-Committee D has given a full report of our findings. Despite the many changes embedded in the reform treaty, the objectives and the rationale for a common agricultural policy remain unchanged, but in a totally different form, which is market-led as opposed to product subsidies. Europe’s concern today differs from that of a few years ago when surpluses of this and that had to be dumped into the world market and did more harm in developing countries than anywhere else. The situation today is of food security, rather than that of surpluses. As we learnt from a debate in this House only recently, world food stocks are decreasing. Consumption is outstripping supply. Thirdly, environmental protection is very much a European issue. It can be argued that there is a need to ensure that environmental constraints on agriculture through cross-compliance are broadly equal throughout Europe to avoid competitive distortions. As we have already heard from several noble Lords, including agriculture and budgets in the design of agricultural policy through the extension of co-decision procedure further strengthens the role and responsibility—I emphasise the word ““responsibility””—of the European Parliament and the national Parliaments. Together, they have the same role and responsibility for making decisions on agricultural policy. The reform treaty gives national Parliaments a voice in making European laws and in ensuring that the Community acts only in areas where it adds value. So we have the challenges of CAP reform, globalisation and climate change all facing Europe in the years ahead. Finally, tied to agriculture is the major issue facing the immediate future; that is, not only climate change, but also the drive for lower carbon emissions. Above all, this requires collaboration in research and development, and the demonstration of new energy alternatives if we are to match the United States and Japan. Without this it may be cheaper to burn more coal, which would be market failure, as indicated in the Stern report. A determined European Union-wide campaign is the practical way to cope with these issues, as well as making people understand what they are about. I believe that this treaty merits and requires a rigorous political debate in order to enable the people of this country better to identify the advantages and disadvantages of the treaty from a United Kingdom perspective. We need to identify those areas of progress, the issues on which it would find it difficult or expensive to go it alone and determine the local issues where subsidiarity is a principle which should apply.