Bicentenary of the Abolition of the Slave Trade

It is a profound honour to wind up for the Opposition in a debate that has never failed, in any speech, to be interesting and informative. Members of the House have displayed terrific knowledge of and commitment to the issues. This is an especially proud moment for me as a council member of the Evangelical Alliance, which represents 1 million Christians in the UK, all of whom are immensely proud of the evangelical William Wilberforce. Whatever our individual backgrounds, few of us, when we contemplated a parliamentary career, were unmindful of the history of this place. For whichever side of the House we were destined, we were moved by the thought of being physically connected, through our mere presence as Members, to some of the Acts and events that shaped the country’s destiny. Among those Acts, the measure that we remember tonight takes its place as one of a series in the 19th century that would change us as a people and a society for ever, etching compassion for the victims of a new and harshly constituted urban environment into law for our towns and cities, workplaces, prisons and schools. However, the fact that the measure that we remember tonight holds a special place in our history recognises its reach beyond these shores and celebrates the character of the man most associated with it—William Wilberforce. Before I speak about William Wilberforce and his achievements, let me acknowledge some key themes of the debate. I welcome most warmly the opening speeches by the Deputy Prime Minister and my right hon. Friend the Member for Richmond, Yorks (Mr. Hague). Both spoke with commitment. The Deputy Prime Minister spoke from deep knowledge of his constituency and of what Wilberforce means to him. My right hon. Friend gave a remarkable performance, even for him, demonstrating complete mastery of his special subject. Anyone who took him on about Wilberforce on ““Mastermind”” would come off second best. Two fine opening speeches were followed by a series of others. Praise for William Wilberforce is not a zero sum game. It neither denigrates him to recognise that he was not alone in the quest to rid our country and the world of an evil trade, nor does it devalue the efforts of others to appreciate that his importance as the right man in the right place at the right time changed history faster than it might have been changed. We do not need to justify our opinions of Wilberforce and his role in the abolition movement by trying to defend him against charges that he never heard or by feeling aggrieved that others are not mentioned in the same breath when the roles of those most involved are discussed. We have been right during the debate to pay tribute to those—known and unknown—who played a significant part in the abolitionist movement. They include: Thomas Clarkson, the choice of my hon. Friend the Member for North-East Cambridgeshire (Mr. Moss) for his eloquent eulogy; Hannah More; Granville Sharp; Olaudah Equiano; Ottabah Cugoano; John Newton; the Clapham sect; William Knibb, and Elizabeth Heyrick, who led the Leicester sugar revolt and appeared from time to time as a representative of the thousands of women in this country who supported the abolitionist movement. Thousands of nameless people responded to petitions and the work throughout the country. We also heard about the Maroons in Jamaica. All are valued and honoured in the House. We acknowledge that the culmination of William Wilberforce’s life and work could not have happened without the contributions of many others, for whom he was an outstanding focus and catalyst. The hon. Member for Hackney, North and Stoke Newington (Ms Abbott) made, even for her, a wonderful speech. It was considered, well rounded and not only displayed a knowledge of the miseries of slavery, which she conveyed, but made a thoughtful contribution on its legacy. We are in her debt and I hope that she chooses it as her speech of the week on Mr. Andrew Neil’s programme in a couple of days. She and the hon. Member for Brent, South (Ms Butler) spoke with a particular understanding, which—forgive me—I cannot reach, not only because of what they said and how they said it, but because of who they are and whom they represent. The fact that the House includes them and others who have their background is a great honour for us. They both conveyed that in a remarkable way, for which I thank them. Both hon. Members referred to those who had joined William Wilberforce, as did the hon. Member for Islington, North (Jeremy Corbyn), who spoke of those outside this place who contribute to democracy. It is a continuous theme of his life and work in the House—he is a bit of grit in the oyster, but always for the right reasons. He described some of the messiness involved—how the Royal Navy simultaneously patrolled the seas to stop the slave trade and took part in quelling the slave rebellions in the islands. Life is not consistent, and it is messy. My right hon. Friend the Member for North-West Hampshire (Sir George Young) gave an extraordinary contemporary account, drawing on his own relatives’ experience, of some of the problems to do with slavery that he had encountered. We are thrilled—but not surprised, knowing my right hon. Friend—that he was on the right side of the debate. Our debate today is not a celebration—and it is certainly not a celebration of the end of slavery. Many colleagues have spoken knowledgeably and movingly about the tragedy that is modern-day slavery in all its many forms. It never went away. Slavery is not simply an act or a series of acts that physically enslave or control. Slavery begins in the mind. It is an act of oppression and domination springing from a perversion of the human spirit which, cruelly, can only value the freedom in one if it deals in the loss of freedom in another. That is why the slavers of today have simple common cause with those of yesteryear, and that is why, sadly, slavery crosses all human boundaries—race, faith, colour and nation. It is everywhere. My hon. Friend the Member for Totnes (Mr. Steen) mentioned human trafficking and the problems associated with it. He asked a series of questions which I know the Minister will respond to as effectively as she can. He asked whether, despite our recognition of trafficking and our understanding of where it begins, enough is being done. That was also asked by the hon. Members for Wakefield (Mary Creagh) and for Glasgow, North (Ann McKechin), both of whom made reference to the worries that they have and wondered whether operations such as the Poppy project are doing enough—and whether we can ever do enough. Have we perhaps found the answer to the question that is so often posed in schools: ““If William Wilberforce were alive today, what cause would he be involved in?”” Perhaps the answer to that is human trafficking, and making sure that our policies deal with it a lot more effectively. My hon. Friend the Member for Totnes raised the issue of human trafficking with great passion, and I hope that he will receive proper replies to his detailed questions, either in the debate or by letter if they cannot be answered tonight. Sadly, we could have picked up on other examples of slavery. We could have pointed to the problem of child soldiers around the world, and particularly in Africa. In 2006, the United Nations estimated that more than 250,000 children were actively involved in armed conflict. That problem is most critical in Africa where up to 100,000 children, some as young as nine years old, were estimated to be involved in armed conflict in mid-2004. Forcible abductions, sometimes of large numbers of children, continue to occur in some countries. We could also have picked up on any number of examples of people—children especially—being taken into work, such as starting as domestics and being put into bondage and slavery, or being fooled into taking a job and then finding themselves involved in prostitution. CHASTE—Churches Alert to Sex Trafficking Across Europe—is run by the Reverend Dr. Carrie Pemberton, with whom I am speaking on the replica Zong on Monday, with the Minister as well, I think. [Interruption.] Perhaps she will not be there. The Minister has already met my friend. CHASTE is having a day of action on 20 May called ““Not for sale Sunday””, in which it will try to tackle demand, which was mentioned by many Members, and to raise awareness of the problem of sexual exploitation in the UK and the number of women who are brought in to service that appalling trade. The many Members who spoke about that with passion and concern made their points very well, particularly my hon. Friend the Member for South Staffordshire (Sir Patrick Cormack) who, sadly, cannot be with us as his wife was taken a little ill at a reception at Buckingham palace tonight. We understand that she is perfectly well, and we wish Lady Cormack well. It would be remiss of me in concluding not to pay particular tribute to the man without whom we would certainly not be commemorating this particular night. That the slave trade would have ended I have no doubt, but the merest glimpse into William Wilberforce’s personal history is enough to convince even the most cynical of today’s cynical age that his character was of such strength that his drive for this cause hastened the end of an evil trade in the British empire. The hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull, North (Ms Johnson) spoke eloquently about ““her Wilberforce”” and his legacy in that town, as did my hon. Friend the Member for South Staffordshire and the hon. Member for Battersea (Martin Linton), who also spoke of Wilberforce’s connections with the Clapham sect—of whom more in a minute. Wilberforce was a brilliant man who fancied a career in politics and was clever and wealthy enough through family to buy a seat in the Commons. So far, so corrupt—like virtually any other of his age. Had he simply latched on to a cause in order to make his name and used this cruel trade for his own advancement and enrichment, we would be right in being embarrassed at the attention paid to him and his role, notwithstanding his success. However, that is not the case. Even in that age, as now, that an able politician should give up the chance to get on in the party and aspire to office seemed decidedly odd. As we know from our own experience, the able colleague who leaves mid-career to ““spend more time with the family”” appears to be using code that the Westminster village understands all too well. They are either up to something, have been up to something, or were never up to the job in any case. That is why Wilberforce was so special. All the evidence suggests that here was a man who had a wonderful political career and future, but who changed his life completely, and with it the course of history, because of Jesus Christ and a profound process of conversion. It is well documented—there is evidence from Wilberforce himself, and from contemporaries hostile and friendly—that his process of conversion included a period of reflection, familiar to millions around the world, on the point of life and the use of his talents. As his character changed, his attention turned to slavery, and he spent more and more time with those of similar mind. He resolved to take up in Parliament the cause of ending the slave trade, which was a necessary precursor to the abolitionist’s aim: ending slavery itself. The passage of time should not dim our understanding of what an undertaking that was. The wealth of more than one great city, as we have heard from a number of Members today, was built on cruelty to others. Throughout the attempts to end the trade, the serious impact on the country and on individuals was used as a counter-argument, in a way not dissimilar to the use of tariffs today to protect the European Union or the United States from the impact of the trade in goods from poorer countries. There is always a good argument for profit. This was a grown-up debate, in which Wilberforce was on the ““wrong”” side. He was more than a maverick—he was a dangerous one. There was no political gain to be made, as has been mentioned. There was no certainty of a happy ending when he took on the fight; no suggestion that, as in a film, he would triumph for right in the final reel. He faced, as nameless others did in that cause—and as nameless others have done since in every cause worth fighting against tyranny—a failed career and an unsung death. However, Wilberforce carried on, and it was 20 long years before he succeeded. He succeeded not only because his cause was just, although it was. He succeeded not only because he was a great orator, although he was. He succeeded not simply because he and his friends had mobilised hundreds of thousands of people in a mass campaign in a manner never seen before, although they did. He succeeded because of his personal conviction, as an evangelical Christian, that his faith was not a matter for Sundays only—that it must be carried into every part of his life, and that his talents were to be set apart for God and his purposes, for the good of society around him. Wilberforce was not alone. He was surrounded by those who led him spiritually and shared his faith. However, this, too, was an act of courage. The Christian Church in this country did not have clean hands. Good Christian men and women turned their backs on those in need, and Wilberforce’s bravery in confronting them was as profound as was his bravery in politics. The achievements of the Clapham sect and of the evangelical movement in reforming social conditions have had a profound influence on the nation. Shaftesbury, Fry, William Booth, Barnardo and the unsung who worked with them and inspired them deserve their commemoration and thanks, too. I turn finally to legacy. The hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull, North told us about what is happening in Hull and its commitment to fair trade; what a remarkable way to build on a legacy. The hon. Member for Crosby (Mrs. Curtis-Thomas), in a moving and wholly compelling contribution, described not only what her city has been through, but, through its twinning with Waterloo, what it is doing for the future. All those who listened to her will be pleased that they did. What a remarkable way to carry on from that past. The right hon. Member for Gordon (Malcolm Bruce) raised the issue of Doha, as did the hon. Member for Glasgow, North, and how that could be an adequate legacy if we could take on the need for trade. The hon. Member for Twickenham (Dr. Cable), in his contribution from the Front Bench, dealt with the elephant in the room—the difficult issue of an apology—and several other colleagues also mentioned it. I take the view that it is very difficult to apologise on behalf of others. If people do not want to apologise for the slave trade and the shame that it brought on this country, they must come from another planet, but the issue is not the words used or who apologises to whom. It is about what we do with what happened, and about responding with sincerity and integrity to the shame of the past. More than one hon. Member got the balance right. The hon. Members for Brent, South and for Hackney, North and Stoke Newington talked about the need for a greater pride in black history, and perhaps the dangerous legacy left from slavery in the culture of young men and violence. That took the debate into difficult, but typically brave territory that needs to be confronted in a society such as ours. If only all the legacies of slavery were dealt with by the good hearts of people in places such as Waterloo and if only it were not as difficult in some areas as it is. The hon. Member for East Antrim (Sammy Wilson) made a strong contribution, as did the hon. Member for Bristol, West (Stephen Williams). It is not the knowledge of history that shames us. When people talk about whether we should have this debate and remember slavery, it is the lack of knowledge that shames us. We are not responsible for the past, but we are responsible for what our children learn now. With an understanding of the trade, its rise, fall and rise again, they will learn that the attitudes behind it are not past attitudes, but present-day ones. Greed is predominant. There is money to be made from exploitation and cruelty, so support those who fight against greed and exploitation wherever it arises—from children kidnapped into sex slavery in eastern Europe to Chinese workers who give their life savings to agents who see them dead in the back of a wagon or on the sands of Morecambe bay. As my hon. Friend the Member for Bournemouth, East (Mr. Ellwood) noted, slavery is oppressive and knows no bounds, no race, no colour and no country. I conclude with the words of Wilberforce himself. In a speech on 24 February 1807, described in The Parliamentary Register as"““distinguished for splendour of eloquence and force of argument””," he concluded that the House must"““shew to the people, that their legislators…were forward to assert the rights of the weak against the strong; to vindicate the cause of the oppressed, and that where a practice was found to prevail inconsistent with humanity and justice, no consideration of profit could reconcile them to its continuance.””" Would that all of us in this place would have those words of William Wilberforce as the epitaph for our work.