Latin America

: I accept that. The traditional drug problem solution has been to try to cut off supply, and that has failed singularly over the past 20 or 30 years. We need to attack both supply and demand. In that sense, the hon. Gentleman is absolutely right. I want to give the Minister as much time as possible in which to respond, but I have two or three more points to make. Obviously, DFID's strategy is to work via multilateral institutions. How will the expenditure be monitored, especially as the strategy report admits that the strategy is ““high-risk””? The report also says that there will be"““an independent evaluation of its effectiveness””." Who will carry out that independent evaluation? What form will it take? When will its results be reported to the House? If the Minister is prepared to sanction independent evaluation in that particular sphere, why is he not prepared to sanction it for all other significant sums spent by DFID around the world? I will be interested to hear whether he will be happy to put a provision allowing that in the private Member's Bill that he and I will discuss in a couple of weeks. On the credibility point made by the hon. Member for Waveney, what assessment has DFID made of the effect of limited country presence and presence on the ground? If there is a criticism of DFID—and it is a well regarded organisation—it is not that it does not monitor inputs, but that it does not monitor sufficiently where money is going, particularly through multilateral organisations such as the Inter-American Development Bank and the World Bank. Finally, what success has DFID had in reaching its common objectives with the IDB and the World Bank? Because of the relatively small amount of money that DFID put into the strategy at its inception, it was felt that there was a risk that DFID had insignificant influence, or insufficient influence to alter the policies of those two particularly powerful institutions. If DFID does not have the influence to put the focus on reducing poverty, what is plan B? What will the change in policy be if the World Bank and the IDB fail to secure transparency, effectiveness and poverty alleviation? The closure of offices removes the ladder by which we can return to a bilateral relationship with the countries involved.